The New Patriotic Party (NPP) has come under criticism following its National Council’s decision to hold the 2026 presidential primaries on January 31, 2026. Some party members have described the move as a “top-down” approach that undermines internal democracy. However such critiques ignore the context, facts, and processes underpinning this decision. A closer and more thoughtful examination of the party’s proposed constitutional reforms and the sequence of internal elections reveal a different story, one that reflects a clear commitment to grassroots empowerment and democratic inclusion.
In political party structures, terms like “top-down” and “bottom-up” are sometimes used loosely when analysing leadership selection processes. But what do they actually mean in practice? A top-down approach refers to a situation where decisions about leadership, especially at the highest levels, are made by a small group of elites, typically national executives, party founders, or influential backers. In this model, the base of the party has little to no say in who gets selected. The process tends to be centralized, opaque, and sometimes dictated by strategic interests or internal power dynamics. Delegates, if involved at all, are often handpicked or rubber-stamped by the upper echelons of the party. The “rank and file” of the party are spectators, not participants.
On the other hand, a bottom-up approach emphasizes the role of the grassroots in choosing leaders. It begins by empowering members at the lowest organizational levels – polling stations and electoral areas to elect their representatives. These representatives then form the larger delegate bodies that make decisions, including the selection of national leaders or presidential candidates. In this model, power flows from the bottom to the top.
In the context of the NPP’s upcoming reforms and presidential primary structure, the distinction is quite practical. With the proposed constitutional amendment, the vast majority (about 95%) of presidential primary delegates will be newly elected grassroots officers from polling stations and electoral areas. These individuals will be chosen through competitive local elections, giving ordinary party members real influence over the leadership trajectory of the party.
In contrast, if the party were to rely solely on existing national, regional, external branches and constituency executives, and appointed officials to select the flagbearer, that would then be a textbook top-down process. This is why critics labelling the NPP’s current plan as top-down appear to be misapplying the term. The party’s strategy to first elect delegates at the grassroots before choosing a presidential candidate is, by design and execution, a classic bottom-up approach.
At the heart of this transformation is the National Delegates Conference scheduled for July 19, 2025. One of the main agenda items is a constitutional amendment that will significantly expand the party’s electoral college. If passed, the proposal will broaden representation by increasing the number of delegates at every level of the party, from polling stations and electoral areas to regional and national leadership. The most significant expansion will take place at the polling station and electoral area levels. For example, the electoral area leadership will increase from one (1) coordinator to five (5) executives, and the polling station executives will also see an increase from the current 5 delegates. These newly structured units will account for approximately 95% of the delegates who will vote in the presidential primaries.
Critics who claim that the process is top-down often fail to consider who the delegates actually are. Under the proposed structure, the current national, regional, and constituency executives will collectively constitute less than 1% of the voting delegates. Meanwhile, the delegate pool will be widened to include all former card-bearing ministers of the party since 2001, all former Members of Parliament, all former Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) since 1997, as well as all former constituency, regional, national, and external branch executives since 1992. This new addition will also constitute about 3% of the total delegates for the presidential elections who, under the proposed rules, do not need to contest elections to be included as delegates. This is not a minor tweak to the party’s structure, it is a democratic overhaul.
Those who argue that the process is “top-down” may be mistaking timing for hierarchy. Yes, given this design, it is difficult to understand how anyone can fairly label the process as “top-down.” The presidential primaries come after the expansion of the base but that does not mean they are being imposed from the top. The election of the party’s presidential candidate will not be dictated by national or regional executives, but rather by thousands of newly elected party members at the polling station and electoral area levels. When you add the former ministers, MMDCEs and the past executives, these groups will together make up about 99% of the people who will vote in the presidential elections. So how can we say the decision is coming from the top?
Some have also raised concerns about the timing of the presidential primaries coming before the election of new constituency to national executives. But this, too, is not problematic when viewed in context. As already noted, current executives at those levels constitute less than 1% of the total delegate pool. Whether or not they are retained in their positions through future elections, they will still be eligible to vote under the proposed amendments as former executives. So, what exactly is the issue? It appears the concern is not about structure or fairness, but perhaps about the perceived loyalty or alignment of certain current executives – who supports whom?
However, it seems in the view of critics of the national Council, the NPP intends to organize the upcoming presidential primaries without taking into account the possible expansion of delegates from the grassroots base of the party. This raises important questions about representational fairness. Why should the current polling station executives whose own selection process was widely criticized be the ones to elect the next presidential candidate without first resolving the lingering legitimacy issues around their mandate?
Indeed, the selection of the current polling station executives was fraught with significant controversy. There were widespread complaints, many of which remain unresolved to this day. In some constituencies, parliamentary aspirants allegedly handpicked polling station executives, while in others, individuals who legitimately won elections were reportedly replaced through opaque means. The credibility of the current cohort is, therefore, in question, and this casts a shadow over their ability to represent the grassroots in such a consequential decision.
Some have argued that the current polling station executives should remain in place because their term has not yet expired. Yet this reasoning does not withstand scrutiny. These executives were elected between February and March 2022, and party tradition has never demanded that polling station elections occur on a fixed calendar date. Their tenure has always been interpreted with some flexibility. Conducting polling station elections earlier to allow for a newly constituted and possibly expanded electoral base to take part in the scheduled presidential primaries is, therefore, entirely within the realm of precedent. Moreover, where exactly does the party’s constitution specify a strict term length for polling station executives to begin with?
It is in view of these concerns that the Mike Oquaye Post-Election Committee recommended an expansion of the delegates list for primaries. This proposal has been subsequently reaffirmed by the party’s Constitutional Review Committee. Failing to address these legitimate concerns risks breeding unnecessary suspicion and setting the stage for post-primary grievances from losing aspirants who may question the fairness of the delegate composition.
However, I believe this concern could be addressed during the National Delegates Conference scheduled for 19th July, 2025. It is my wish that the National Delegates Conference will decide that at least polling station and electoral area executives are elected before the presidential primaries.
Moreover, democracy is not only about who votes but how those voters are chosen. The NPP’s plan starts by electing polling station and electoral area delegates, who form the bulk of the electorate for the presidential primaries. The process begins at the base, and then moves upward, empowering ordinary party members to shape the party’s future leadership. This is the very opposite of top-down politics.
Importantly, this bottom-up and early-timeline approach also allows the NPP to learn from past mistakes. In the 2024 election cycle, the party’s presidential candidate was elected too close to the general election. That limited the time available for post-primary healing, reconciliation, and team-building. Some divisions and disagreements that emerged during the flagbearer contest were never fully resolved. The result was a fragmented campaign, loss of momentum, and internal apathy in certain strongholds. The lesson is clear: democracy must be managed not just in how leaders are selected, but in how early and effectively the party can unify behind them.
By electing its presidential candidate in January 2026, almost 3 years before the general elections, the party has ample time to heal any cracks that may emerge during the primaries. Aspirants, after testing their popularity among the grassroots, will still have time to re-align, re-engage, and rally their supporters behind the winner. The flagbearer will also have enough runway to unify the base and engage swing voters. This is an intelligent strategy that will help the NPP to avoid the trap of “last-minute unity,” which is often superficial and ineffective.
To conclude, it is simply a mischaracterization to describe the NPP’s approach as top-down so long as the constitution is amended to increase the number of delegates, and the polling station and electoral area elections will take place before the presidential primaries. Let us not throw around labels and terminology without properly examining the facts and the context.
My two Pesewas
James McKeown
Chairman, NPP Finland Branch
[email protected]
