It was 1957. Ghana had just tasted independence, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP), under the charismatic leadership of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, was the dominant force in politics. Yet in the shadows of that political juggernaut, a group of opposition voices — united by their resistance to one-party authoritarianism — banded together to form the United Party (UP).
Led by Dr. Kofi Abrefa Busia, a respected academic and statesman, the UP brought together divergent political parties forced to merge by the Avoidance of Discrimination Act, which banned ethnically and regionally based political groupings. These included the Asante-dominated National Liberation Movement (NLM), the Northern People’s Party (NPP), the Muslim Association Party (MAP), Anlo Youth Organization (AYO), Togolese Congress (TC) and Ga Shifimo Kpee (GSK). This act, ironically, was designed to kill ethnic politics but ended up laying the foundation for one of the most regionally dominant political traditions in Ghana’s history.
From the start, the UP stood for liberal democracy, freedom of speech, the rule of law, and a market-driven economy. However, its core support base — mainly from Ashanti and parts of Brong Ahafo — gave it the reputation, rightly or wrongly, of being an Akan party.
A Party Rooted in Opposition
The UP’s very formation was an act of resistance. It provided a parliamentary counterweight to Nkrumah’s authoritarian tendencies. But following the CPP’s increasing consolidation of power, and the 1964 declaration of Ghana as a one-party state, the UP was dissolved, and its leaders exiled, imprisoned, or silenced.
Yet the spirit of the UP endured. When the 1966 coup removed Nkrumah, the National Liberation Council (NLC) opened the door for civilian rule. In 1969, Busia returned and led the newly formed Progress Party (PP) to a landslide victory in Ghana’s Second Republic. His premiership prioritized rural development, free enterprise, and restoring constitutional order.
The Busia Years: A Short-Lived Triumph
Dr. Busia’s rule, however, was short-lived. His administration was toppled in January 1972 by Colonel Acheampong, citing economic mismanagement and elitism. It marked the beginning of a painful cycle: any time the UP tradition rose to power, it seemed to be quickly silenced by military force or internal sabotage. Still, Busia’s ideas lived on — in academic circles, in the hearts of rural voters, and most crucially, in the political ambitions of the next generation of leaders.
Splinters, Setbacks, and the Elephant’s March – From PFP to NPP
By 1979, when military ruler General Acheampong’s regime collapsed and elections were scheduled, the UP family regrouped. This time, they appeared as the Popular Front Party (PFP), led by the urbane and eloquent Victor Owusu, a prominent lawyer and former foreign minister. But all was not well within the family.
The Fracture: Emergence of the UNC
A major split occurred when William Ofori Atta — affectionately called “Paa Willie,” a member of the Big Six — broke away with a section of the party to form the United National Convention (UNC). The reasons were personal, strategic, and ideological. There was disagreement over leadership selection, fears of regional dominance, and power-sharing. While the PFP held the Asante and parts of Eastern Region, the UNC appealed to voters in Accra and the east coast.
The result? A divided UP tradition handed victory to Dr. Hilla Limann’s People’s National Party (PNP), a reincarnation of the CPP. The combined PFP-UNC votes would have comfortably beaten Limann’s PNP. This painful lesson — that disunity costs power — has echoed through Ghanaian politics to this day.
From the Ashes: Birth of the NPP
After another round of military rule under Rawlings, the ban on politics was lifted in 1992. The old UP family re-emerged as the New Patriotic Party (NPP), with Prof. Adu Boahen, a historian and academic, as its first flagbearer in the Fourth Republic. Though he lost to Rawlings, he laid the ideological groundwork and energized the Akan heartlands.
In 2000, John Agyekum Kufuor, who had once served under Busia, finally captured the presidency. It marked the NPP’s full circle — an opposition party that had waited over four decades finally in control of government, legally and peacefully.
Regional Setbacks and the “Akan Party” Tag
But the NPP has long struggled in Ghana’s northern and Volta regions. Historical neglect, lack of consistent development, and the perception that the party favors Akan elites over other ethnic groups have eroded its popularity in these regions. The “Akan party” label became more pronounced, especially as most of its presidential candidates and party financiers have hailed from Ashanti, Akyem, or Brong Ahafo. Despite having strong northern stalwarts, these gestures were often seen as tokenism rather than genuine inclusion. In contrast, parties like the NDC managed to build broader coalitions that cut across Ghana’s ethnic and regional lines.
A Party Losing Its Soul?
Today, many in the grassroots believe the party no longer belongs to them. They feel abandoned by the political elite — men and women who have hijacked the party’s structure, reduced internal democracy, and turned it into a vehicle for wealth accumulation. Critics argue that the once-vibrant democratic culture within the NPP has faded, replaced by arrogance, winner-takes-all mentality, and exclusion of loyal party foot soldiers.
Prominent voices within the tradition warn that if the party does not return to its roots — honesty, justice, and service — it risks alienating the very people who kept the flame burning in its darkest years.
The Future of the Elephant
The NPP’s story is one of resilience and reinvention. From the UP’s defiance in the face of CPP domination, through the progress and pain of Busia and PFP, to the glory of Kufuor and the polarizing presidency of Akufo-Addo, the party has always stood as a force for center-right politics in Ghana.
Yet, it must confront its historical weaknesses: internal fragmentation, regional exclusion, and elite capture. The breakaway of the UNC in 1979 should be a lesson that unity matters more than individual ambition. And the neglect of areas like Volta and the North must be replaced with deliberate engagement and policy attention. Only then can the Elephant reclaim not just its power — but its purpose.
FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
0550558008 / 0208282575
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