The story of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), stretching back to the roots of the United Party (UP), is often told with pride: a tradition of rule of law, market liberalism, and principled opposition to authoritarianism. Yet for a party that sees itself as the guardian of Ghana’s democratic ideals, the path has not been smooth. It has stumbled — often from its own missteps. From bitter internal divisions to strategic blind spots, the elephant has at times tripped over its own feet.
Here, we examine five critical mistakes that have haunted the UP/NPP tradition across generations and contributed to its electoral defeats — particularly during the PNDC-to-NDC transition and in tight races like 2008.
1. The Ethnic Straightjacket: Failure to Break the “Akan Party” Label
From the NLM roots in Ashanti to the NPP’s modern-day leadership, the party has struggled to shed the perception that it is ethnically exclusive. Despite notable efforts to diversify, such as appointing northerners to vice presidential slots, the core leadership and voter base have remained largely Akan — Ashanti, Akyem, and Brong. This reality has handed opponents, particularly the NDC, a powerful narrative: that the NPP is not a national party.
This perception has consistently undermined the party’s performance in the Volta Region, parts of the Northern Region, Upper East and West Regions. Elections are won on coalition-building, and the party’s historical inability to build durable bridges across ethnic lines has cost it dearly.
2. A House Divided: Internal Breakaways and Power Struggles
In 1979, the Popular Front Party (PFP) appeared poised to carry the UP tradition to power — until the party fractured. William Ofori Atta and others broke away to form the United National Convention (UNC), splitting votes and handing victory to the People’s National Party (PNP). The wound was self-inflicted.
This was not a one-time event. The tradition has a history of internal battles: Busia versus Victor Owusu, Kufuor versus Nana Addo factions, and more recently, fractures between party base and leadership over candidate selection and policy direction. When a party is more preoccupied with fighting itself than fighting its political opponents, electoral failure becomes inevitable.
3. The 1992 Parliamentary Boycott: A Strategic Blunder
After Rawlings won the controversial 1992 presidential election, the NPP took what it believed was a principled stand by boycotting the parliamentary elections. It may have satisfied the party’s base, but it was a strategic disaster.
By withdrawing from Parliament, the NPP effectively ceded control of the national legislature to the NDC, allowing Rawlings to govern unopposed. More importantly, it denied the party a chance to build roots in many constituencies—especially new ones in the North and Volta — setting back its national expansion by years.
4. The Intellectual Disconnect: Speaking Over the People
The NPP is often described as the party of the “middle class,” the “educated,” the “professional elite.” While this might be a badge of honor for some, it has also been a weakness. The party’s communication style is often formal, data-driven, and abstract — appealing to academic circles, but failing to connect with the average Ghanaian.
In contrast, the NDC has successfully used populist, relatable messaging that cuts across class and education levels. When the NPP talks of GDP and macroeconomic stability, the NDC talks about food prices and transportation costs. In elections — especially in 2008 and 2012 — this difference in communication approach mattered.
5. Broken Promises and Disillusionment
No political party can thrive without its base, but the NPP’s relationship with its grassroots has been, at best, transactional. From unfulfilled jobs to unresponsive MPs, many NPP supporters felt used and forgotten. Grassroots organizers, party communicators, and serial callers who fought to bring the party to power were sidelined once victory was achieved. Appointments, contracts, and development projects often go to well-connected elites or family insiders, fueling bitterness. Economic hardship worsened, and explanations from government officials sounded more like lectures than solutions.
6. Elite Capture and Leadership Fatigue
The party became the domain of a few powerful families, cliques, and contractors. The same party executives who presided over the decline — from internal rifts to electoral defeats — are still in place. The recent decision to elect a flag bearer in January 2026, over a year after electoral defeat, sends the wrong signal: that the party has not learned its lessons.
7. Lack of Renewal: New Wine in Old Bottles
The party base is asking: Where is the introspection? Where is the house-cleaning? Instead of bringing in new thinkers, youthful leaders, and grassroots voices, the NPP leadership seems to be doubling down on the same tactics that led to its fall. Ghana’s youth — hungry for change and fresh faces — feel ignored by a party stuck in the past.
What Should the NPP Have Done Differently?
Immediate Post-Election Reorganization: The NPP should have called an early National Delegates Conference to replace national executives who lost touch with the base. Rapid Flagbearer Election: Allowing a long vacuum of leadership creates further uncertainty and division, and delays mobilization toward 2028. Re-engage the Disillusioned Base: The foot soldiers, polling station agents, and community mobilizers are the party’s spine. They feel betrayed. A serious listening tour, not just town hall lectures, is needed. Broaden the Party’s Appeal: More than ever, the NPP must shed the Akan-only image, reach out to neglected Northern and Volta constituencies, and embrace younger, diverse candidates. Reset the Message: The party must shift from big talk about macroeconomics to practical, everyday issues: jobs, security, easy and affordable healthcare, sanitation, and opportunities for small businesses.
Rebuilding or Retreating?
The silence of over 4 million voters in 2024 was not a shrug — it was a statement. Many of them, especially from the NPP’s traditional fold, chose silence over betrayal. They didn’t cross over to vote NDC — they simply walked away. That is perhaps more dangerous than defeat.
If the NPP does not restructure quickly, rethink its leadership, and renew its message, 2028 may not just be another loss — it may mark the beginning of political decline. Voter apathy was not the disease; it was the symptom of a party that stopped listening. The NPP remains a formidable political force, with a rich legacy and a core philosophy that resonates with many Ghanaians. But history is a tough teacher. If the party is to avoid future electoral disasters and reconnect with its broader national mission, it must confront the ghosts of its past.
It must build an inclusive identity, manage internal disagreements with maturity, avoid strategic blunders, communicate in ways that touch the everyday lives of citizens, and empower its grassroots with more than slogans. Only then can the elephant stop stumbling — and start leading with the surefootedness its founding fathers once envisioned.
FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
0550558008 / 0208282575
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